Kennedy HOW the NATIONS WAGED WAR 1914 U.K. Italy GERMAN INTRIGUES Russia TURKEY

Description: How the Nations Waged War A companion Volume to “How the War Began” telling how the World faced Armageddon, and how the British Empire answered the call to arms by J. M. Kennedy This is the 1914 First Edition A “Daily Telegraph” War Book published soon after the start of the Great War. Front cover and spine Further images of this book are shown below Publisher and place of publication Dimensions in inches (to the nearest quarter-inch) London: Hodder & Stoughton ["The Daily Telegraph War Books"] 4¼ inches wide x 7 inches tall Please note the book's small dimensions. Edition Length 1914 First Edition 190 pages Condition of covers Internal condition Original decorative red cloth blocked in black. The covers are scuffed, rubbed, dull and faded and suffer from widespread and extensive old staining, which can be seen in the images below. This has resulted in a mottled appearance on the front cover and significant variation in colour on the rear cover. The spine has faded with marked loss of original colour and is also quite dull. The spine ends and corners are bumped and slightly frayed. The end-papers are lightly foxed; otherwise, the text is generally clean throughout on tanned paper, although some pages are stained (for example, page 99, below). The inner hinges are a little tender and there is some separation between the inner gatherings. The edge of the text block is dust-stained and lightly foxed. Dust-jacket present? Other comments No The internal condition of this 1914 First Edition is reasonably clean; however, the covers are extensively stained and quite dull. Illustrations, maps, etc Contents NONE: No illustrations are called for Please see below for details Post & shipping information Payment options The packed weight is approximately 400 grams. Full shipping/postage information is provided in a panel at the end of this listing. Payment options : UK buyers: cheque (in GBP), debit card, credit card (Visa, MasterCard but not Amex), PayPal International buyers: credit card (Visa, MasterCard but not Amex), PayPal Full payment information is provided in a panel at the end of this listing. How the Nations Waged War Contents Chapter I The "Scrap of Paper" — Sir Edward Grey's further Statement — The Houses of Parliament and Belgium — Indian Troops — The German White Book Chapter II German Press Campaign — Disseminating False News — The Secret Press Society — Sir E. Goschen's Report — A Suppressed Telegram Chapter III Position of Italy — German Intrigues — The Triple Alliance — Turkey's Activity — Plans for Attacking Egypt — A British Warning Chapter IV Polish Independence — The Tsar's Rescript — Japanese Action — Germany in the Far East — Samoa and Togoland Chapter V French Government leaves Paris — Triple Entente Declaration — An Important French Protest to the Powers — Aid from Dominions and India — South Africa's Expedition — The King's Proclamations Chapter VI The Economic Position — Moratorium Extension — Great Britain's Oversea Trade — Germany's Commerce — Question of Food Supplies — Importance of the Balkans — "Petrograd" The Campaign Round Liège Excerpt: . . . Hardly less important than the German negotiations with Italy—first, with regard to participation, and, secondly, with regard to neutrality—were the German negotiations with Turkey. It will be recalled that Germany has for nearly two generations had considerable interests in the Turkish Army, both in Europe and in Asia; and it was to a German officer, General von der Goltz Pasha, that the Ottoman Army owed such organisation as it had when Turkey was invaded by the troops of the Balkan League in 1912. On the retirement of General von der Goltz, the Turks asked for further military "advice" and assistance from Berlin, and in reply to their request the German Government "lent" them another experienced officer, General Liman von Sanders (whom several North and South American papers confused with General Leman, the defender of Liège). It was commented upon at the time as curious that when General Liman von Sanders took up his appointment a year or so ago, he brought with him 200 German colonels as assistants, whom he placed at the head of Turkish regiments, together with several officers of lesser rank. The Turkish Army thus became, for all practical purposes, a German war machine, led by Germans, officered by Germans, supplied with German rifles, ammunition and artillery, and liable to march when the word of command was given to the Turkish Government by a German diplomatist. Europe was astonished to learn early in August that Turkey had decided to mobilise. As the result of an energetic protest by the British and French Ambassadors at Constantinople, it was explained that the measure was purely precautionary, and that the Porte did not intend to take any active steps. There the matter was left for a day or two, when the incident of the Goeben and Breslau occurred. The former was one of Germany's largest cruisers, and the latter a smaller one of less importance. Both these vessels, in company with a third, had spent a few days after the opening of the war in bombarding undefended towns in Algiers and Tunis. A combined French and English squadron gave chase, and the result was that a German cruiser was sunk. In spite of the efforts of the pursuers, the Goeben and the Breslau escaped, first of all to Italian waters, and then after a short pause to the Dardanelles. As Turkey was a neutral country, international law required that the two cruisers should be either dismantled or sent away. Neither of these courses was adopted. Instead it was announced that the Turkish Government had decided to buy the Goeben—the Breslau was not mentioned, but was presumed to be included in the purchase—in view of the fact that two battleships which had been in process of completion for Turkey in British dockyards, had been seized by our Admiralty for possible use against Germany. Turkey complained that this would alter the balance of naval power as between herself and Greece, to the advantage of the latter. Even legal experts were at variance as to whether Turkey was justified as a neutral country in purchasing the warships of a belligerent. Politically speaking, this was a matter of small consequence. Diplomatists, knowing the close relations existing between Turkey and Germany, were inclined rather to ask whether this alleged purchase was not merely an excuse for assuring the safety of an expensive warship, which would certainly have been sunk either by a French or by a British squadron on emerging from the Dardanelles. Up to the time of going to press that question has not been satisfactorily answered. The Constantinople Correspondent of The Daily Telegraph reported that just before he left Constantinople on August 4th, the Germans there spread all kinds of wild rumours which were given the imprint of their Embassy—such, for example, as that M. Poincaré had been assassinated, that civil war had broken out in France, that the Germans had entered Belgium triumphantly, and that their arrival in Paris was imminent. Moreover, the German and Austrian diplomatists told Turkey confidently that the German and Austrian armies would very soon be both in Paris and Warsaw. They held out to the Turks various alluring propositions, such as the suppression of the capitulations, the crushing of the Russian "Colossus," and so on, in order to induce the Turks not to proclaim their neutrality, but rather to adopt a hostile attitude towards Russia and consequently to the Triple Entente. In face of the superhuman efforts made by the German and Austrian agents the diplomacy of the Triple Entente remained inactive. The German military mission under General Liman von Sanders, on its side, commenced an agitation parallel with that of Austro-German diplomacy among the Turkish officers, most of whom had received their training and education in Germany. However, the Grand Vizier, Djavid Bey, Talaat Bey, and Djemal Pasha, but not Enver Pasha, struggled to secure in the Council of Ministers the triumph of the policy of strictest neutrality, persuaded that for Turkey it was preferable to maintain an attitude of prudent expectation and not to enter into any engagement. Experience had shown them that their Balkan enemies, for the moment divided among themselves, would probably end by reconstituting their alliance and falling on the Turks, and agreeing among themselves as to the partition of Turkey in Europe. These considerations prevailed, and the Ottoman Government proclaimed strict neutrality, while taking all military and naval precautions which events dictated. This was solemnly declared by Talaat Bey and Djavid Bey in Parliament on Sunday, August 2nd. By August 31st, however, the situation had again become grave. It was stated that Turkey might declare war at any moment—it was only a matter of a few days, and it might be less. All the efforts of the Powers of the Triple Entente had failed, and the situation at the Turkish Embassy in London was admitted to be extremely grave. The arrival of the Panther at Smyrna was thought to be the concluding incident in Turkey's preparations, as it was understood that the vessel, like the Goeben and Breslau, was to be bought by Turkey. The military party at Constantinople, headed by Enver Pasha, was now practically dominant, and it was declared that if the Grand Vizier raised objections he would be replaced. This party had come to the conclusion, in which it was carefully supported by Germany, that the time was ripe for throwing its full fighting force into the balance and securing the restoration of Macedonia—at any rate of the whole Salonika district, as well as the islands which were conquered by Greece in the war. German officers and men in large numbers were now pouring into Constantinople to help the Turkish army and navy in the coming campaign. Germany was practically taking over the control of the fleet as well as of the army, and it was thought that Turkey would thus be able to meet the Greek navy on the open sea. Turkey, too, apparently counted on the fact that if she declared war the Balkan States would quarrel among themselves. On the contrary, it was held in Triple Entente circles that the Balkan Alliance against her, which had been so successful in the first war, would be once again called into existence. Moreover, the intervention of Turkey into the sphere of hostilities, although nominally directed against Greece only, would have been regarded as a declaration of war by the Powers of the Triple Entente. They would have lent the Balkan Powers the support of their fleets in the Mediterranean, in which case they would soon have disposed of all the Turkish and German ships. The British Government was fully aware, as were all the other Allies, of the gravity of the situation, and of the fact that attempts would be made to create trouble in Egypt, in India, and elsewhere. They warned Turkey that in starting on any such campaign she would be signing her own death-warrant. The suggestion that an attempt would be made to stir up an insurrection in Egypt was certainly plausible, though it may be pointed out that the German diplomatists at the same time made another suggestion which, if carried out, would have been equally effective or ineffective. Although England is practically mistress of Egypt, Egypt is nevertheless in all strictness not British territory, but Turkish territory, administered by British officials. It might, therefore, have been argued with some show of reasonableness that any movement of troops against Egypt on the part of Turkey could not be construed by us in an unfriendly sense, as Turkey would, after all, merely be moving troops from one part of her own territories to another. The second German suggestion was that the Turkish Army Corps at Bagdad might be moved towards the Persian Gulf with the object of quelling the risings in the neighbourhood of Koweit, which is in an almost perpetual state of unrest. It happens that the Persian Gulf has always admittedly been an English sphere of influence, and that the small Province of Koweit, governed by a Sheik, was not unconnected with the proposed termination of the Bagdad Railway. The status of the Sheik of Koweit has always been obscure and was supposed to have been "regulated" by the Anglo-Turkish agreement, the details of which were under discussion when war broke out. It might conceivably be urged that here again Turkey could move masses of troops to another part of her own territory and thus strike indirectly on Great Britain. In reply to these statements and the dishonourable implications which they conveyed, both the Turkish Ambassadors in London and Paris and the Turkish Department for Foreign Affairs at Constantinople gave explicit assurances that Turkey would not take any step inconsistent with her neutrality. It must be remembered that ever since the revolution in 1908, Turkey had received very little practical assistance from Germany, apart from the tinkering with her army. The best advisory officials and all the money were supplied to the Ottoman Government by France and Great Britain. Further, it was believed that, even in the face of German bribes and threats, Turkey would hold back if only out of regard for the stability of her rather precarious empire of Thrace in Asia Minor. In view of a possible Turkish participation in the war, Russia had taken the precautionary measure of massing, it was said, more than half a million troops on the Turkish frontier; and if the Turks had intervened on behalf of Germany, it was believed that Roumania and Greece would take the field on behalf of England, France, and Russia. The position of Bulgaria was fully realised to be more doubtful, as out of all the countries constituting the Balkan League, Bulgaria had profited least as the result of the campaign in 1912-13; and she had vainly appealed for some kind of "compensation" to both groups of the Great Powers. On September 4th, Roumania, it was announced for the first time, had joined the Great Powers in warning Turkey that a breach of her neutrality would be fraught with disastrous consequences to the Ottoman Empire. In view of the questions at issue between Turkey and Greece, delegates met at the Roumanian capital, Bucharest, to discuss matters. On September 6th, however, the Ambassadors representing France, England, and Russia at Constantinople deemed it advisable once more to warn the Austrian Government, and it was stated that many European families in Constantinople were beginning to leave the city, as it seemed probable that war was about to be declared. It was clear from the diplomatic intelligence which came through that the Turkish Government had itself decided for neutrality, but was being swayed in its decision by the German Ambassador at Constantinople, Baron von Wanggenheim. It need hardly be added that during this period of grave tension, German Press agents were busy in the Balkans generally. Extraordinary reports were sent to the newspapers in Athens, Sofia, and Bucharest, with the customary object of showing that Germany was winning in every direction and would eventually be the strongest Power in Europe. The German Minister in Athens declared at the end of August that no German port had been blockaded by the British Fleet, and that the North Sea was still open for German commerce. Please note: to avoid opening the book out, with the risk of damaging the spine, some of the pages were slightly raised on the inner edge when being scanned, which has resulted in some blurring to the text and a shadow on the inside edge of the final images. Colour reproduction is shown as accurately as possible but please be aware that some colours are difficult to scan and may result in a slight variation from the colour shown below to the actual colour. In line with eBay guidelines on picture sizes, some of the illustrations may be shown enlarged for greater detail and clarity. Please note the book’s small dimensions. U.K. buyers: To estimate the “packed weight” each book is first weighed and then an additional amount of 150 grams is added to allow for the packaging material (all books are securely wrapped and posted in a cardboard book-mailer). The weight of the book and packaging is then rounded up to the nearest hundred grams to arrive at the postage figure. I make no charge for packaging materials and do not seek to profit from postage and packaging. Postage can be combined for multiple purchases. Packed weight of this item : approximately 400 grams Postage and payment options to U.K. addresses: Details of the various postage options can be obtained by selecting the “Postage and payments” option at the head of this listing (above). Payment can be made by: debit card, credit card (Visa or MasterCard, but not Amex), cheque (payable to "G Miller", please), or PayPal. 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Price: 29.99 GBP

Location: Flamborough, Bridlington

End Time: 2024-12-24T11:33:15.000Z

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Returns Accepted: Returns Accepted

After receiving the item, your buyer should cancel the purchase within: 30 days

Return policy details: If any book is significantly not as described, I will offer a full refund, including return postage. All books are securely wrapped and posted in a cardboard container.

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Non-Fiction Subject: History & Military

Year Printed: 1914

Country/Region of Manufacture: United Kingdom

Binding: Hardback

Author: J. M. Kennedy

Language: English

Publisher: Hodder & Stoughton

Place of Publication: London

Special Attributes: 1st Edition